The Darker Key to Trump’s Success

To those of us who are surprised by the rise of Trump: Yes, people are afraid of terrorism and understandably so, but Trump’s series of racist remarks point to another less understandable key to his success. In 2012, an article on an AP poll stated: “The election of Barack Obama failed to usher in a post-racial US, with a new poll showing that 51 percent of Americans hold explicitly anti-black views.” This figure is higher than other surveys I’ve seen which indicate that roughly 20 to 25% of whites hold explicitly anti-black and racist views. But even that percentage of white Americans is no small number–more than sixty million people.

Many white liberals aren’t aware of these statistics, but Trump’s surge to the head of the Republican presidential campaign is exposing the reality that there are tens of millions of white Americans who are explicitly racist. While Republican party leaders have been aware that a large portion of their base is racist, Trump has tapped into that racist base and shown that it is far larger than the party leaders were aware of or wanted to admit. By his leading in the polls and constantly being in the news, he’s given this racist base more and more permission to come out of the closet (witness the white supremacists saying Trump has been a boon for them): “Oh, he’s said all Mexican immigrants are criminals and rapists. That’s what I’ve felt all along.” “Trump said the majority of murders of white people are committed by blacks [sic—a bogus statistic]. I always knew the blacks were out to get us.” “Trump wants to ban all Muslims. Great, it’s okay for me to say now I hate Muslims.” Now Trump will say he doesn’t hate Mexicans or “the blacks” or Muslims, but he will never criticize those in his base who do, and that gives them more and more room to hate.

It used to be that the racism the Republican party handed out was done covertly, on the sly, like a backroom take out order so no one would supposedly notice (the so-called dog whistle politics telling them their order was ready). Trump has moved the dish of racism to the head of the main room menu, and now the Republican party leadership and the rest us see how much of their party eagerly wants to gobble up that dish.

Link to article on the AP poll:  https://www.rt.com/usa/majority-americans-racist-poll-378/

Do I Belong Here? (Reflections of a Third Generation Asian American)

Years, from now, for many, this summer will be remembered as “The Summer of Ferguson.” I write and consult about the issues of race, and so I’ve paid close attention to the news and what’s been written about Ferguson. Partly, I’m trying to see what Ferguson and the death of Michael Brown and the furor around it tells me about the current state of race relations in America.

Beyond that, my own awakening to my ethnic and racial identity as an Asian American in part came about due to my reading of black and African American writers and thinkers. And so, reading the commentary on Ferguson by African American writers, I find myself trying to understand not just their perspective as African Americans, but also what their perspective tells me about my identity as an Asian American.

A few weeks ago, I came across this passage in Jelani Cobb’s article on the New Yorker website, “Between the World & Ferguson”:

“Linda Chavez wondered on Fox News whether “the ‘unarmed teen’ mantra” really fit Brown, who was six feet four and nearly three hundred pounds and had been caught on video shoplifting—and, it perhaps bears repeating, was a teen, and was unarmed. Chavez was roundly criticized, but she was really only guilty of saying aloud what many others have thought. Whatever happened or did not happen between Michael Brown and Darren Wilson on a winding side street, in the middle of the afternoon, in a non-descript outpost on the edge of a midsized city, whatever we imagine we know of the teen-ager, the salient fact is that he did not live long enough to cultivate his own answers.

I spent eight days in Ferguson, and in that time I developed a kind of between-the-world-and-Ferguson view of the events surrounding Brown’s death. I was once a linebacker-sized eighteen-year-old, too. What I knew then, what black people have been required to know, is that there are few things more dangerous than the perception that one is a danger. I’m embarrassed to recall that my adolescent love of words doubled as a strategy to assuage those fears; it was both a pitiable desire for acceptance and a practical necessity for survival.  I know, to this day, the element of inadvertent intimidation that colors the most innocuous interactions, particularly with white people. There are protocols for this. I sometimes let slip that I’m a professor or that I’m scarcely even familiar with the rules of football, minor biographical facts that stand in for a broader, unspoken statement of reassurance: there is no danger here. And the result is civil small talk and feeble smiles and a sense of having compromised. Other times, in an elevator or crossing a darkened parking lot, when I am six feet away but the world remains between us, I remain silent and simply let whatever miasma of stereotype or fear might be there fill the void.

Fuck you, I think. If I don’t get to feel safe here, why should you?”

What Jelani Cobb explores are the various situations where he as a black man has to maneuver through the racial stereotypes and prejudices of America. In so many ways, he’s far more consciously aware of those stereotypes and prejudices than the whites whose fears and terrors he must try to disarm in order to go about his day-to-day existence in this society. Cobb is aware that if he moves the wrong way or says the wrong thing—or even if he does nothing—there is a chance that alarms might sound, and when those alarms sound, they may take the form of a white person looking away or stepping aside or they may take more dangerous, even life threatening, forms–as this summer of Ferguson has made so readily apparent.

Many Asian Americans who grow up working class and in urban areas have experienced treatment by the police similar to the experiences of African Americans. They know what it’s like to be racially profiled, whether on the streets or in shopping malls or clubs, to be seen as criminals or thugs, threatening, dangerous. In certain neighborhoods in the Twin Cities where I live, that is the experience of many young Asian Americans, including my son.

Still racial profiling by the police is not something I grew up with. I am a third generation Japanese American from the Chicago suburbs. Growing up, I was constantly trying to fit into the white Jewish suburban world around me, and the messages I received there can be summed up in a single phrase–“You don’t belong here.”

That phrase is something I share with all Asian Americans, no matter where we grow up or what our class background is.

For me, this phrase has been expressed many different ways: “You’re not an American.” “You’re not white or Jewish.” “You’re not part of our community.” “You’re strange, foreign.” “You look funny.” “You look like the enemy in films about World War II, the Korean War, the war in Vietnam.” “You’re not a potential romantic or sexual partner, not someone I would ever think of dating, much less marrying.” “You speak English well—for an immigrant, for someone who wasn’t born here.” “You’re not athletic.” “You must eat funny food at home, things real Americans don’t eat.” “You don’t know anything about American culture.” “You know kung-fu.” “You know about samurai and the yakuza.” “You know all about ancient Asian culture.” “Your sister must be hot.” “You’re sexist.” “You’re not a leader.” “You’re a nerd, quiet, socially awkward, bumbling.” “You’re a joke, easy to make fun of.” “You’re stealing our auto industry, you’re stealing our country.” “You’re sneaky, inscrutable, you can’t be trusted.” “You are some other Asian I know.” “You all look alike.” “How can you see out of your eyes?” “You can never be President, a lead actor, a rock and roll singer, a country western singer, an R&B singer, head of an American corporation, a real American writer, a Minnesota writer, and any other number of other occupations.” “You’re a cook or an engineer or scientist.” “You can’t be from Minnesota.”

All of which could be summed up in the response, “What the hell are you doing here?”

In Jelani Cobb’s depiction of what it is like to live in America as a black man who is constantly perceived as a danger and a threat, he goes over the various ways he tries to defuse or counter that image. And he describes how, as he makes his way through this impossible disarming of suspicion, he feels humiliated, compromised, as if he is giving up something of himself, even perhaps something of his soul.

My situation is not that of a large black man who is perceived as a danger, a threat. Instead, the hurdle I face is that I am a perpetual outsider. I may or may not be perceived as dangerous, but over and over, daily, I am told: “You don’t belong here.”

To choose one of many examples: I golf, and on the golf course I am constantly meeting strangers. Almost immediately I will be constantly asked by white strangers where am I from, or, as one middle-aged white man from South Minneapolis, put it last week, “What nationality are you?”

“What nationality are you?” I asked.

He looked surprised. “Well, I’m Irish-German. But you know what I mean.”

Of course I knew what he meant.

And so here I went into my prepared statement, “My grandparents came from Japan in 1905.”

Why do I say this particular phrase? Although I doubt this gentlemen perceived all I intended in this phrase, here’s what it means: It was my grandparents who came from Japan and thus, are Japanese. My parents were born in America, so they were American citizens.

Of course my parents were imprisoned at the ages of 11 and 15 in World War II because all Japanese Americans living on the West Coast were perceived as a military threat. My parents’ being American citizens did not prevent them from having the writ of habeus corpus suspended and their right to a trial denied. But I don’t necessarily expect my white interlocutors to be aware of this.

At any rate, I also usually add to inquiries about where I’m from, “I didn’t grow up speaking any Japanese or knowing much about Japanese culture.” Meaning: “I am two generations removed from Japan. I was born here. I’m an American. That’s my nationality.”

When I was younger I wore my ignorance of Japanese and Japanese culture as a badge; I thought it made me an American.

I don’t feel that way now. Now I regret not having learned Japanese or about Japanese culture.

At the same time, though, I do realize that any evidence of my speaking Japanese or knowing Japanese culture makes me not an American; instead it becomes further evidence that I’m not from here. And I know, in many ways, I will never be from here, even though my family has lived here in America for over a century. My face tells a different story, and nothing I can do can stop that narrative and all that comes with it.

But I try, I try. Consciously, unconsciously. On the golf course, I’ll start talking about the merits of the Vikings quarterbacks, the veteran Matt Cassell, Teddy Bridgewater the rookie, the disaster of Christian Ponder. Because if I can show I know the intricate details of the Viking quarterback controversies, I’ll prove that I really do know something about American culture, that I’m not a recent immigrant. That will prove I’m an okay guy.

In doing this, I don’t consciously question the logic behind my actions. That is, why would my status be worse if I were a recent immigrant? Is that devaluation in the head of the white people I meet? Or is it my head? Or both?

But in defense of myself, part of me just wants to convey who I am, who exactly I am. Because I actually like football and do know about the Vikings quarterbacks. Because I am a third generation American. But of course there’s more to it than that. I want to be seen for whom I am, who I actually am. I want to be seen without the scrim of stereotypes and prejudices that keep white Americans and even other Americans of color from seeing who I am, seeing my particularity, my individual history. Indeed, that’s why I’ve written and published two memoirs, one novel, four books of poetry and one book of literary criticism, four plays and dozens of essays. I want to articulate who I am, who my family is, who Japanese Americans are, our history, our community.

And like Jelani Cobb, my relationship to language is also connected to the stereotypes and prejudices around me. When I was younger, my mother often complained that I talked like a jock, and cited the way I sprinkled the phrase “you know” over and over in my speech. For me, as a teenager, talking like a jock was a way of throwing off the role of foreigner, immigrant, someone who wasn’t born here and didn’t belong.

And yet, now that I no longer speak like a jock, I also know that resorting to the talk of a jock is a way to put white people I meet at ease. And at times, what I’m trying to make safe is not just my body, but also my intelligence and the way it is associated with my body and the stereotypes it invokes.

For in certain situations, I know the more articulate and learned I appear—that if I actually let loose at full throttle my intellect and learning—the more I run the risk of being perceived as a threat because of my Asian-looking face and body. I have to pick and choose when I let my intelligence and learning show and to what degree. Because in certain situations where a white writer or intellectual would be met with respect and admiration for their intellect and learning, my intellect and learning can, in an instance, become perceived as uppity, arrogant, showing off. And if that happens, the foreignness that is my face, my body, can then be turned into that of the outsider, the inscrutable threat, the one who wants to take something from white America. Just as, whenever America’s relationship to countries in Asia takes a turn for the worse, Asian Americans can feel the shadow of that worsening falling inevitably upon us.

If our situation as Asian Americans is, in various ways, different from that African Americans, we are both dealing with the stereotypes and prejudices that surround us and affect our interactions with American society. We want to belong, to have our place at the table. But we move, as Jelani Cobb and other Africans, between masks and scrims that are placed upon us, that keep others from seeing who we actually are. And we know we must, in order to succeed in this society, maneuver and navigate around and through these masks and scrims which, no matter how hard we work, how talented we are, never quite leave us.

This is not to say that we as Asian Americans cannot succeed. We do. We work hard. We try to get along. We try to bring our talents to the table. But we also know that our hard work and our talents in some instances will not be easily recognized. And we know in other instances our hard work and talents may be perceived as threats.

How we as Asian Americans deal with all this is individual and various. There are many strategies, many ways of owning who we are, of recognizing the racism that exists in the society around us.

So what exactly am I saying here? First, I’m saying that the experiences and culture of African Americans can be useful for us as Asian Americans in our understanding of who we are and our place in America. This runs against a certain tendency in the Asian American community to distance ourselves from the African American community. It runs against the ways many whites picture us as the “model minority” who are quiet, study hard, and don’t make waves, so that we become a tool with which to bludgeon and chastise those black people who, in the white gaze, are perceived as angry and dangerous and uneducated.

Second, I’m saying that we Asian Americans do face racism, do face stereotypes and prejudices, and that this has an effect on our psyches, on the ways we articulate our identities, and on the ways we make our way through American society. And I’m suggesting that it’s better to be consciously aware of both racism and its effects upon us than to go around in denial.

Third, I’m suggesting that the effects of race upon Asian Americans involves the subtle and sometimes almost imperceptible ways we adjust to the way we’re perceived by the white mainstream. Yes, there are large historical and political issues such as the internment camps or the Asian Exclusion laws or events like Vincent Chin or the Minneapolis police shooting of the unarmed Fong Lee or the Hmong hunter Chai Vang who got into a confrontation with white hunters in Wisconsin and shot and killed several people.   Such events and issues galvanize the perceptions of and reactions to our communities. Then too there are the even more systemic issues such as the achievement gaps or poverty that certain portions of our community suffer from. But there are also the ways we as individuals are constantly dealing with and battling with a portion of the American society and psyche that still says, “You don’t belong here. You’re not wanted. You are perpetually foreign. This country will never be your home.”

Finally, I’m not saying we cannot overcome these forces raised against us. But our ability to overcome these forces will be severely hampered if we don’t recognize them. As James Baldwin, the great African American writer, wrote: “Not everything that is faced can be changed; but nothing can be changed until it is faced.”

A New Definition of Racism

In Anna Deveare Smith’s multi-character play, Fires in the Mirror, which explores the racial tensions between Jews and blacks in Brooklyn’s Crown Heights, Smith impersonates a linguist she has interviewed. The linguist states that when it comes to the issues of race, we have “lousy language.” By this he means that our language does not sufficiently describe or convey the complexities of the ways race affects our individual lives and the society we live in. Our language concerning race is crude, undeveloped, inadequate.

One of the ways in which our language fails when it comes to race is in our definition of racism. Here is a definition from Dictionary.com:

  1. a belief or doctrine that inherent differences among the various human racial groups determine cultural or individual achievement, usually involving the idea that one’s own race is superior and has the right to dominate others or that a particular racial group is inferior to the others.
  1. a policy, system of government, etc., based upon or fostering such a doctrine; discrimination.
  1. hatred or intolerance of another race or other races.

From Merriam-Webster:

1: a belief that race is the primary determinant of human traits and capacities and that racial differences produce an inherent superiority of a particular race

2: racial prejudice or discrimination

Both first definitions start with the idea of belief in racial superiority of one race over another race. That is, there is an emphasis on conscious belief.

For a large number of contemporary Americans, the historical context for the definition of racism is the battle of the Civil Rights movement to dismantle the practices of the Jim Crow South: Alabama Governor George Wallace declaring “I say segregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever;” Bull Connor unleashing dogs and police brutality upon the Freedom Riders; Ku Klux Klan rallies where crowds of white hooded figures surround a burning cross. It’s obvious that all of these figures believed in the superiority of the white race over the black race, consciously and actively discriminated against blacks, acted with prejudice and pursued policies of discrimination with fervency and often great hatred. In many ways our society’s image of a racist and racism is still frozen within that historical period of change in the Deep South.

When people argue that we are in a post-racial society or that society is relatively free now of racism, in their minds they are stating an obvious truth: Legal segregation of schools and other public institutions has been dismantled. Large scale Ku Klux Klan rallies no longer occur. The Voting Rights Act was passed (though of course recently dismantled by the Supreme Court). In short, the post-racial proponents are saying the Jim Crow South no longer exists, which is obviously true. At the same time, whether consciously or unconsciously, such people generally tend to limit their image of racism and racists to Mississippi or Alabama in 1930 or 1940 or 1955. That is, there’s a profound desire to keep the definitions attached to that era. Such people tend to feel far more uncomfortable with extending the definition of racists and racism back to the Founding Fathers who owned slaves. At the same time, by constricting their images of examples of racism to the Jim Crow South, these same people avoid contemplating whether racists or racism exists in America in 2015.

Beyond the particular historical period image attached to racists and racism, our definitions of these terms still rely on a foundation based on conscious belief. Racism is based upon a conscious belief by an individual in the inherent superiority of one race over another.

Such a definition, I would argue, is far too simplistic and limited. It does not explain the way racism works in America today.

*

Over the last twenty to twenty five years, writers and scholars in a number of fields have presented evidence of racial inequities in all areas of society—economics, employment, housing, the justice system, education, cultural representation, etc. Books like Michelle Alexander’s The New Jim Crow have provided evidence that racial disparities continue to exist and are, in some ways, equal to or even worse than in the Jim Crow South. Statistics and other evidence of these disparities are readily available in books, magazines, newspapers and on the web.

In my talks on race, when I provide PowerPoint examples of these disparities in various sectors, the accumulation of these racial inequities stuns certain members of the audience. The question arises: How can such inequities exist if racists and racism are things of the past?

Part of this seeming contradiction is, I answer, semantics. Our previous definition of racists and racism focused on a conscious belief in racial hierarchy or supremacy, on a conscious animus, on conscious avowals of racial prejudice or acts of racial discrimination or hate. But no one in 2015 America openly and publicly espouses such beliefs. The definition focuses on a type of racist and racism that no longer exists with the prevalence it did in the past.

Using the old definitions of racist and racism, those who argue that racism is a thing of the past use the following logic:

1) Racism occurs when someone discriminates or acts with prejudice and antagonism against someone of a different race based on the belief that one’s own race is superior.

2) Therefore, racial bias can only be proved if someone openly admits they are a racist and have acted in a racially biased way.

3) Since such admissions do not occur, racism does not exist.

What many people do not realize is that, as Michelle Alexander points out, in the Whren case, the Supreme Court used this same logic. Lawyers for Whren presented the Court with statistics showing racial disparities in the application of the death penalty by the state of Georgia. The Court ruled that such disparities did not sufficiently prove the existence of discrimination. Only an open admission of racial discrimination would be adequate to prove such discrimination was being practiced. In other words, only if the judges or prosecuting attorneys for the state of Georgia publicly stated or were recorded in private saying that they actively discriminated against black defendants in the application of the death penalty could those defendants prove that they had been racially discriminated against–a nearly impossible standard.*

*

To say that people today do not publicly declare their racial prejudice or publicly admit to acts of discrimination does not mean that no one in America holds racist beliefs or practices conscious discrimination. In most surveys, roughly one quarter of whites espouse beliefs that most would call racist; in various surveys, around one quarter say things like they would object to having a black family move next door or a black person marrying someone in their family. That means there are more than sixty million whites who hold such beliefs. That is hardly a small number. Many of this sixty million might express these beliefs—that is, conscious prejudice–in an anonymous survey but would not do so openly and in public. Then too, given the taboo against openly expressing racist beliefs, some whites might very well not admit to holding racists beliefs in a survey even though they actually do and might express such beliefs with those they believe are like-minded. The roughly one quarter or sixty million might very well be larger.

At the same time, social scientists and social psychologists have demonstrated that people can act with unconscious, or what is called implicit, racial bias. In one test, designed by Harvard psychologists, people were asked to associate positive adjectives with white faces and black faces. The majority of whites and also a significant portion of blacks were slower to attach positive adjectives with the black faces.* In another test, people were shown images of a white person and a black person; one of the people had a gun on their person. Whites were quicker at identifying when the black person had a gun; they also unequally attributed the black person as having a gun even when the black person held no gun on their person.* Similar studies have measured people’s reactions to resumes or e-mails with white sounding names as opposed to black and ethnic names. The same resume was more likely to win a higher approval or call back if the person’s name sounded white rather than black or ethnic.* Professors were more likely to answer the same e-mail requesting an appointment from a student with a white sounding name than a black or ethnic name (also males were responded to more frequently than females).*

Now given the liberal inclination of most colleges, no one would argue that all these college professors profess openly racist beliefs. And indeed, all these studies made this point: Their subjects could very well consciously profess to believe in racial equality and still act with an unconscious or implicit racial bias.

Picture a million encounters where an unconscious or implicit racial bias influences how an employer reads a resume or the police officer sees someone that officer deems suspicious even while that employer or police officer would never express a conscious racist belief or bias—that is a significant way racism works now in this country.

*

This brings us to the third way racism works in this country–systemically or structurally. The system of racism in this country involves both the accumulated actions of individuals and the practices and structures of the society. Thus, a clearer and more precise accounting of racism in this country would involve the following components:

  1. Conscious or explicit individual racial bias.
  1. Unconscious or implicit individual racial bias.
  1. Structural components

The structural components—which go beyond the acts of any one individual–can be broken down like this:

  1. Accumulated effect of acts of conscious/explicit and unconscious/implicit bias –e.g., Shootings of people of color by police versus shootings of whites. Blacks are four times more likely to be arrested for marijuana possession though whites use marijuana at the same rate blacks do. Limb amputations are 4.7 times as likely among black patients than white patients

 

  1. Allocation of resources – e.g., The imbalance between the resources going to white suburban schools and urban schools with a majority of students of color would be an example of this. The comparison between the amount of research dollars allocated to sickle cell anemia, a disease affecting mostly blacks as opposed to cystic fibrosis, a similar disease affecting whites.

           

  1. Policies/practices/rules which enable racism and racial inequities to be practiced or their effects increased—e.g., Stop and frisk policies. The lack of a special prosecutor to prosecute charges against the police. The way the Supreme Court ruled in the Wren case: Absent any explicit avowal of discrimination racial disparities in the application of the death penalty are not sufficient to prove bias. Voter I.D. laws.

           

  1. Beliefs/Concepts/Systems of thought which allow racial inequities to be created and maintained, which denigrate and demean people of color or promote white supremacy—e.g., The banning of ethnic studies in the Arizona school system. The dismantling of AP history in Oklahoma because the exam “overemphasizes” unsettling aspects of American history such as slavery, the genocide practiced upon Native Americans. Subjective standards in fields such as the arts or in hiring practices. Racial stereotypes. The belief that racism is over. The belief that one should and does not see race.

My breakdown here obviously simplifies a complex web of personal actions and societal practices which create and enable the racism and racial inequities that exist in our society. But I believe it provides a better and more complete picture of how racism works in 2015 America, as opposed to the old definitions which describe the racism of the Jim Crow South. Of course, the Jim Crow South could be analyzed also within this framework, but because the racism of the Jim Crow South was much more overt and publicly avowed, its workings were not hidden in the ways racism in 2015 American are sometimes—sometimes—hidden.

Another advantage of this breakdown: To dismantle racism today, we need different approaches depending upon the component of racism we are trying to attack. The strategy one might use to try to change a person who has a conscious or explicit racial bias would most likely be different than addressing the ways a person with unconscious or implicit racial bias needs to change. With the third component above, we are working more with laws and government policies, and so the battle here is on the political front. Further breakdown within categories may also be useful. It would probably be slightly easier to address the affects of implicit racial bias in the medical system than in the justice system. Certainly addressing the former involves fewer ideological or political battles such as one waged between recently between New York’s police union and Mayer de Blasio.

Similarly, by understanding and seeing the differences in these components, we can not only fine tune our strategies and approaches, we can also be more realistic in our expectations. In trying to transform the New York City police department, we should understand that changing the hearts and minds of individual police officers—some with conscious racial bias and some with unconscious racial bias—will be very difficult and will take some time. But ending the stop and frisk policy, as de Blasio recently demonstrated, was relatively easy to accomplish. More importantly, it gave the police considerably fewer opportunities to act with either conscious or unconscious racial bias. In Ferguson, the fines levied by the police and the justice system made up a considerable portion of the city budget and there was a constant call to increase that revenue. Devising other ways of gathering municipal revenue and reducing the expectations of revenue from the police and the justice system would most likely reduce racially biased interactions on the part of the police, even if the hearts and minds of the police remain unchanged.

Seeing these four components together makes it easier to connect them and to speak of the ways they work together. Obviously, there are certain beliefs which foster and enable and reinforce both explicit and implicit bias. At the same time, the work to dismantle these beliefs and belief systems is, on one level, impersonal; we are in the realm of arguing about ideas. And yet, since individuals hold these beliefs and some of these individuals tend to equate these beliefs with who they are and their place in the world, we must understand that we are working both on the level of intellectual debate and on the level of getting past people’s psychological defense mechanisms. This doesn’t mean that editorials or academic arguments aren’t useful. But when we are dealing with specific individuals or in group discussions, we may need to approach this problem in a way that works in both realms—the realm of ideas and the realm of personal psychology.

*

Overall, I think it’s far more useful to define racism in a way which has less emphasis on conscious personal belief and on individual thought or action. Our definition and our approach should always start with a systemic context. Thus, here would be a new definition of racism:

  1. Racism is a system through which the power and resources of a society are distributed unequally and undemocratically by race. This system functions in all areas of society—politics, economics, the judicial system, the education system, culture, social relations, religion, etc.
  1. Actions and beliefs which support the status quo workings of this system are racist.
  1. Racism can be supported both by individuals with conscious or explicit racial bias or by individuals with unconscious or implicit racial bias. Conscious and openly expressed views of racial supremacy need not be present for a person to act in a racially biased manner and thus, contribute to racial inequities.

Unlike the old standard definitions of racism, which are based on and associated more with the Jim Crow South, this revised definition more adequately expresses the ways racism works in contemporary America.

A corollary to this revised definition is a revised set of criteria for assessing the presence of racism. Given the fact that few Americans now openly or publicly express beliefs in racial supremacy, the absence of such statements should no longer be sufficient proof that racism is not present in an institution or a specific activity or area of society. Instead, far greater weight should be given to statistics that indicate discernable racial inequities or disparities. We should start with the statistical evidence of inequality and then begin to trace and discern the various ways such inequality is achieved—through individuals with explicit or implicit bias, through allocations of resources, through rules and practices, through specific beliefs or ideas. Declarations of good intentions, whether in the past or projecting toward the future, are not enough, and indeed may simply be a way of camouflaging or covering over the problem. To address and correct racial inequities, concrete actions towards addressing all the four components of racism must be proposed and enacted.

*

William Gibson, the novelist who is credited with founding cyberpunk, has said, “The future is already here–it’s just not very evenly distributed.” In 2015 America, in the battle towards racial equity, our understanding of the problems we face and how to analyze and address them are, in many ways, much more sophisticated than they were a quarter century ago. Whether in social psychology, political science, economics, law, history, or culture, our abilities and tools are more precise, more complex. Then too, in part because of computer advances, the statistics concerning racial inequities cover a broad range of areas and are more readily available. Knowledge about how we talk about and understand racism is more readily available. Word just gets out faster. Terms like microagression and implicit bias are becoming common usage. And, among other factors, the changing demographics of the country make it clear that the issues of race are not going away; they are instead pressing upon us with a renewed urgency as our nation becomes more increasingly diverse and as we approach the time—around 2040—when we will no longer have a white majority.

I have no doubt we’ll need a new and more complex model of addressing and understanding racism than the one I’ve provided in this essay. But I hope my breakdown is a start. At the very least, it demonstrates that our old definitions of racism are too simple and are inadequate. We need to think beyond the level of individuals—whether in terms of what they believe or how they act. We need to be better at seeing how race works beneath a societal surface where no one will admit to holding racist beliefs or acting with racial bias. We need to think systemically. Only if we adequately describe the problem will we ever have a chance of solving it.

* What may not be clear here is that if the Court required that each defendant openly acknowledge their crime—that is, admit that they consciously intended to commit the crime–almost no defendants would ever be convicted.

* https://implicit.harvard.edu/implicit/

* http://www.unc.edu/~bkpayne/publications/Payne 06.pdf

* http://web.ics.purdue.edu/~drkelly/KellyRoedderRacialCognitionEthicsFinal2008.pdf

* http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2063742

An Asian American on “White Math”

I’ve coined a new term—“white math.” It comes out of a response to my critique of Miss Saigon on Opine Season (and here below on my blog) by one Bob Dunning, who writes:

“It’s funny to me that the same people who had a hard time with Jon Pryce in Saigon have no problem with Lea Salonga as a French hooker in Les Mis.”

My reply:

There’s a typical white person, Bob Dunning, who believes that if white people take thousands of things that ought to belong to people of color–as in the entire history of yellow-face representations of Asians in American cinema and stage–then a person of color taking one thing evens it all up.

I call this “white math.”

There are myriad examples of white math:

The setting free of one possibly guilty black man, O.J. Simpson, is a greater outrage than all the race based arrests and false convictions of blacks and Latinos and all the systemic racial imbalances in the justice system.

The average white child gets $700 more paid for their education than the average black or Latino child. The white math equation: White student + $700 = Black/Latino student + 0.

Passing a voter ID law because there were possibly four false votes in Wisconsin is reasonable, even if it ends up disenfranchising a much greater percentage of people of color than white people. Because those four false votes are more important and count more than the thousands of people of color who will not be able to vote because of the law.

Halliburton and its shareholders make billions off a war started on false premises by a former Halliburton executive. That possibly can’t be corruption or welfare or a waste of the taxpayer’s dollars. But Reagan’s single black mother with two kids receiving food stamps of sixty bucks a week? That’s an outrage; that’s government waste. Here, under white math, sixty bucks is “greater than” (remember that old math sign?) several billion.

Whites steal a continent from your people and commit genocide on you, but you Native Americans really need to put that in the past. It’s nothing now. Zero. On the other hand, if you Native Americans want us to change the name of our sports team, that’s infringing upon our rights to free speech. That’s the real crime. A very positive number. After all, some Native Americans don’t mind the name of the Washington team. So in white math, that lesser number overrides the majority of Native Americans who do mind.[1]

According to the Supreme Court, a university can take into account an almost always white applicant being the scion of alumni or of a major donor, that is, someone who’s already had advantages that others don’t have. To admit that person because of those advantages isn’t actually giving the applicant an unfair advantage. But if we take into account how the race of a black or Latino or Native American student may actually have led to their having less advantages and opportunities, that’s clearly giving the POC student an unfair advantage.

Hard to even express the math logic in that one. I think it goes: White Positive Advantage=Zero (or perhaps a negative number). POC lack of advantage=Does not compute (imaginary number?).

A white person and a black person with similar jobs, identical salaries and assets enter a bank and ask for a loan. Statistically the white person will be more likely to receive the loan and at a lower interest than a black person. But white math tells us that these similar jobs, identical salaries and assets only appear so on paper. The equation here is simple: The white dollar is worth more than the black dollar.

White people and black people use marijuana at the same rate. And yet, if a white person uses marijuana he is less likely than a black person to be arrested for the same crime; if arrested, the white person will be less likely to go to trial then the black person; at trial, the white person will be less likely to be convicted; if convicted the average sentence of a white person will be less than the average sentence for blacks. But racism no longer exists; there can’t be any racial bias in our justice system.

So in white math, take one hundred white users and one hundred black users of marijuana. If five of these white users are arrested and ten of the black users are arrested, under white math those percentages must be equal.

I the white person have not experienced and don’t see any evidence of racism in our society. (Of course, the whole point of white racism is that it’s directed at people of color and not white people.) So that settles it. There is no racism in this country. My view overrides and negates a million accounts by people of color who attest that racism still exists in this country. One counts more than a million.[2]

This sort of white math is easy. Just saw Donald Sterling use it the other night when he told Anderson Cooper he Sterling doesn’t see racism as a problem in this country. But then Sterling’s been practicing white math for a long time. Even his tenants of color and the Justice Department know that.

White math–I could go on all day.

So yes, Bob Dunning and all you other white math experts, it is funny. Ha ha. Real funny. Just not in the way you think.

 

[1] I might be wrong on this; I haven’t done an actual poll. Daniel Snyder, why don’t we just poll all Native Americans and let them decide? You up for that? Didn’t think so. It would be too difficult to get white math into a poll of Native Americans. Unless you treat the Native Americans who agree with you Daniel Snyder under the rules of white math—as honorary white people. Then their votes could count two or three or a million times more than other Native Americans.

[2] For some of you, it may be hard to see the logical fallacy here: If you’ve never seen Beijing, that doesn’t mean Beijing doesn’t exist. Millions of other people can attest to its existence. True, most of them are Chinese. And, granted, under white math…..

 

On the Response to Junot Diaz’s “MFA vs. POC”

On The New Yorker web page, fiction writer Junot Diaz recently published a critique of the “whiteness” of MFA programs:  http://www.newyorker.com/online/blogs/books/2014/04/mfa-vs-poc.html   This is a shortened version of his intro to the VONA anthology, Dismantle: An Anthology of Writings from the VONA/Voices Writing Workshop.

Some of the responses to Diaz’s intro in the comment section are reprehensible, and I’ve written this post in response to those comments:

 

“The number of ad hominem attacks here certainly give weight to Diaz’s arguments. When the person of color brings up a critique, the response is often to critique the so-called character or personality faults of the person of color–or to critique the language in which the critique is expressed (too angry, uses too many swear words, the person doesn’t have the right to make this critique because he or she is in some other way privileged, etc.). These critiques are all ways the dominant culture uses to dismiss concrete and systemic issues.

One key issue: Are the faculty in MFA programs well versed in a variety of literary traditions and thought? When I was in an English Ph.D. program I read a handful of poems by Amiri Baraka and that was it. In my MFA program I was not taught anything about the tradition of African American letters (much less about Asian American, Native American or Latino American, much less the traditions of global writing or post-colonial theory). Many of my students at VONA and other writers of color I’ve encountered also express a similar absence in their MFA training and thus, in the faculty that teach in these programs.

A second issue about the “whiteness” of MFA workshops is addressed not to individual white people, but to the literary practices and ways of thinking which are deemed standard in a white dominated society and literary world. For example, the default literary practice in American writing is that white writers do not have to identify their white characters as being white. Is this practice politically and racially neutral or is it a practice which can be examined in light of a literary and political critique? In most current MFA workshops, what would happen if such a critique were expressed? Would it be acknowledged that there are actually at least two sides–if not many more–that are addressing this practice? Or would such a critique be dismissed as too political, as “PC” and therefore not literary? And what would the response be to the student who offered up such a critique?

One exercise of power is to keep critiques of the dominant power from ever being voiced. Ad hominem attacks are one way, ignoring the existence of the critiques are another (i.e., not knowing the literary traditions and thought of people of color), and standard practices of how workshops are run are another. The motive is to keep actual debate of the issues outside the classroom or from occurring in the literary world.”

 

I know, as so many suggest, I shouldn’t be looking at comment sections. I can certainly understand the argument that it’s useless to respond to “trolls.”

Still one comment about Junot’s piece on the New Yorker blog seemed to me to voice a valid concern. Here’s the comment:

 

“This is my perspective as a white guy in the academic world….My concern is, if I try to talk about race, people’s reaction is likely to be: nice try guy, but you can’t understand the experiences of people of color. On the other hand, based on Junot Diaz’s remarks, it seems like if I choose to keep silent about matters of race the reaction is: you’re afraid to confront these issues, so you’re part of the problem. I have no doubt that it’s hard for people of color, especially when it seems like their concerns are widely ignored. But it’s hard for me too — I honestly don’t think anyone, person of color or otherwise, wants to hear my perspective on race. I’ve never felt encouraged to join that conversation.”

 

Here’s what I wrote back:

 

“I can understand how you, as “a white guy in the academic world,” might feel you’re damned if you do and damned if you don’t. Many whites don’t think race is a pressing issue so they don’t feel the dilemma in the way you seem to. But your dilemma isn’t the same as POC in the academic world who, when they do voice their critiques about institutional practices concerning race, are met with disbelief or ad hominem attacks or derision (as shown in this commentary section).

I recall talking recently with a young white male writer who said while he knew race was an important subject, he was afraid to write about it because he was afraid of being called a “racist.” So I’m sure there are other whites–writers and academics–who feel like you, that perhaps they’re better off not engaging, remaining silent.

Conversations are, of course, two way streets. But when individuals of different races converse, that conversation doesn’t take place in a neutral, ahistorical realm. Richard Wright has indicated that white and black American are engaged in a struggle over the description of reality. But one key difference is that that white description has prevailed and dominated our society and culture.

As a Japanese American, I grew up thinking I wanted to be a white person and thought it a compliment when white people told me they thought of me as a white person. I went through twenty-six years of education without really being presented anything like the black description of our social reality and history (much less a Japanese American description). I only got that education after I left English grad school. On my own.

So the thing is, when you as a white person enter a conversation about race, most likely there are many things you don’t know–about the cultures and histories of people of color, about the arguments and theories we have of our mutual history and how this society functions, about the lives of people of color. But people of color, if we have gone through your school systems, know we have to know how whites tell their histories to themselves, how they regard themselves and their racial identity (which is often–“whites don’t have a racial identity”). We have heard the white side and view of things; we can’t avoid it. We have read books about white people by white people, seen movies and television shows about white people by white people. We have listened a lot to white people. It is really hard, if not impossible, for us to be successful in this society without listening to white people–and often, listening while holding or biting our tongues.

If you are really interested in having a true conversation about race with people of color, then you should realize that historically this has been a mainly one-sided conversation. Since whites have been dominating the conversation so long, perhaps the role for you as an individual white person is, at first, simply to listen, to find out what you don’t know. As Donald Rumsfeld has infamously observed, there are things we don’t know we don’t know. That is often the case when whites enter conversations with people of color about race. Whites don’t actually know how much they do not know about the lives of people of color. The only antidote to this is to be curious and listen. Listening too is part of the art of conversation.

Unfortunately, as so many of the negative responses here to Diaz’s article indicate, there’s a sizable number of whites who simply cannot hear people of color describe their experiences. That simple description of one’s life as a person of color so challenges white assumptions about our social reality that the white person cannot even entertain that the person of color may actually be telling the truth about his or her experience–as in sjdmccarthy’s comments below.

In Baldwin’s The Devil Finds Work, there’s a great quotation about identity. In it, Baldwin pictures a stranger walking into a village. Encountering that stranger, says Baldwin, should cause one to question one’s identity because the stranger looks at the world and herself and you differently than you, and your identity must now shift to include not just the strange, but the perspective of the stranger in your consciousness of yourself. But for that to happen, you have to listen to the stranger, you have to learn from the stranger. And that requires you, said Baldwin, to change your robes, to reconstruct your identity. Listening then is dangerous, threatening. But as Baldwin implies, necessary and life affirming.”

 

At the Stonecoast MFA program, I and Alexs Pate teach a workshop, “Writing About Race.” In it, writers examine literary and other issues that arise from writing about race. The workshop is an attempt to create a safe space for white writers and writers of color to discuss race.

I also teach at the VONA Voices Writers’ Workshop, a writers’ conference for writers of color taught by writers of color. VONA is there for writers of color to examine and discuss their work and the issues that arise from that work. It provides a space where writers of color don’t have to spend a majority of the workshop explaining their work or their lives to white writers or arguing with white writers about our right to tell our truths and lives in our own voices.

We need more of both of these spaces.

Black (and Other) History Month

The past is never dead. It’s not even past.”  — William Faulkner, Requiem for a Nun

As it’s Black History Month, I’ve been watching various documentaries and films about the history of African Americans in this country.  Though many of these go over familiar territory, I still find myself being jolted awake to some aspect of history I haven’t been aware of or simply to the force of that history.  At the same time, the echoes of African American history strike me with parallels to the present, with examples of how the past is indeed prologue.  Is present still.

I’ve been struck by the courage of the Freedom Riders and civil rights activists who faced prison, violence and the threat of death in their efforts to overturn segregation.  At the same time I can’t help but be aware that there are so many Republican backed measures now in state legislatures designed to keep certain portions of the population from voting, particularly the young, the poor and racial minorities.  I’ve been struck by the fortitude and dignity of Jackie Robinson as depicted in “42,” his courage to not fight back and how his efforts led to the desegregation of baseball and other professional sports.  And yet, I can’t help but see the ways President Barack Obama, literally the most powerful man in the world, still acts as if he too must have the courage not to fight back, not to say what he truly believes, not to speak directly about race.  The restrictions of being “the first African American” in many ways still hold (and certainly the myriad attempts to de-legitimize his Presidency rise from the same deep well of American racism).  And then, on another level, I can’t help but see the arguments launched against Michael Sam as the first openly gay player to enter the NFL draft as echoing many of the arguments against Jackie Robinson’s presence in professional baseball.  Prejudice speaks the same language.

To me, Black History Month is alive, a breathing presence in my life.  As an Asian American, I feel that history is my history too, and my writings stem from that history and from the specific history of African American literature.

And yet, how often do we hear whites say, Why do we have to keep going over the past?  We’ve come so far.  Things are not like they were.  Why don’t you people let these things go?

I often think that being a person of color in this country is like being the one person in a dysfunctional family who refuses to be in denial about what has gone down in that family, who remembers the traumas and abuses of the past, who saw and still sees the elephant in the living room.  Yes, that one person sees the truth of the past, but seeing that truth comes at a cost.  In a way, that one person is carrying the truth of the family’s pain and abuse for all the other members of the family.  The rest of the family refuses the burdens of carrying their portion of the truth.  And the one person who sees and tells the truth ends up feeling ostracized; that person is the crazy one, not the rest of the family.

But what happens when a sibling or spouse or parent goes into treatment or therapy and then comes out of denial and also acknowledges the truth?  Suddenly the person who has been declaring the truth of the family feels lighter, less burdened.  That person feels affirmed, less crazy, more sane.  Someone else has acknowledge the truth; the person is no longer alone.

In general, America, and not just white America, goes about its business as if Native Americans do not exist in the present, as if the portions of our history regarding Native Americans are long past.  But if you are a Native American, especially a Native American on reservation?  Certainly, you know you are alive, and you know the rest of America in many ways, wishes that you were dead, because if you are dead, America doesn’t have to deal with the fact that all of us are living on stolen land, land stolen by means of genocide.   As a Native American you live with the results of that history every day; the whole reservation is a result of that history, is evidence of that history.  How can you forget that history?  And if you did try to forget that history, who would you be?  Who would be your ancestors?  To forget that history would be to forget the people who came before you and made your life possible, would be to live as a ghost unattached to anything that your father and mother and grandparents and great grandparents and great great grandparents lived through.  That is the price the rest of America wants you to pay to become part of America.

At this point in history, white America can’t even get rid of the racist moniker of a pro football team.  How can white American possibly deal with the true history of what America has done to Native Americans?

And yet, what would happen if we all did remember that history, what would happen if we all did acknowledge that history?   What would that look like?  How would that change this country?

As Faulkner said, “The past is never dead.  It is not even past.”  Forgetting history is a political act.  Remembering history is a political act.  There is no neutral non-political position towards history.  A country that would pay reparations for slavery is a different country than one that has not done so.

The German critic Walter Benjamin observed that history is most often the tale of the victors.  In other words, history has traditionally served those in power.  To change history, to tell the tales left out of our histories, to remember the history we want to forget—that does not serve those in power.  And that is why many white people want to forget history.  They want to keep the spoils of that history—both materially and psychically.  They do not want to be burdened by what people of color carry.  They want us to continue to be their psychic sherpas.

THE PSYCHIC SHERPA

Everyone knows the image of the sherpa who hauls the tools and supplies for the leader of the expedition.  How this leader will be white, the sherpa dark.  An Englishman, a Tibetan.  The one known, the other anonymous.  The one lightened of burden, the other bearing the burden of both.

Yes, we understand this job in its physical sense.

But does it mean to serve as a psychic sherpa?  To carry the unpleasant emotions and memories of another?  For one person to be weighted down by darkness, depression, madness, so the other may be lighter, happier and sane?

Do people of color carry in our psyches the memories and burdens of our history so that whites can live in amnesia–without the burdens such memories entail?  Do we take in realities whites do not have to see and thus take up?  And how does all this affect the mental energies we must put out in order to function in our lives?

Separate.  Unequal.  The realities, the history, we carry.

(from The Last Incantations, my book of poetry out in March, 2014 from Northwestern University Press)

The Problem With Miss Saigon (or how many stereotypes can you cram into one Broadway musical)

I am writing this essay in response to the Ordway Theater’s decision to bring back Miss Saigon a third time to the Twin Cities.  The Ordway Theater has taken this action despite numerous protests and criticism of the musical by the local Asian American community.  The twenty-year history of the Ordway’s indifference and disrespect towards our community and its leading artistic and activist voices is perhaps without parallel in recent Minnesota cultural history.

            The offensive and problematic nature of Miss Saigon stems from its plot and its characterization of both the American and Vietnamese characters.  The Ordway and many white American audience members seem to have trouble seeing this.  But for many Asian Americans, the egregious stereotypes in this musical are patently obvious.

             First of all, the musical romanticizes and distorts the nature of prostitution and human trafficking.  It would have us believe that in one night a seventeen-year-old Vietnamese prostitute falls in love with a white American adult G.I.  It then uses this pairing to create a so-called tragic love story.  That such a premise is ludicrous and, at best highly improbable, does not bother the creators of this musical nor the applauding audiences.  Nor does it seem to trouble them that the white American G.I. is committing an act of statutory rape.

            The real truth is: Prostitution is not a love story.  But by focusing on this love story, Miss Saigon ignores or slights the dehumanization and exploitation of prostitution and instead tries to romanticize human trafficking.  The musical ignores or slights the fact that this prostitution existed as a result of the U.S. military presence in Vietnam.  It ignores or slights the fact the G.I. hero Chris and his fellow soldiers are exploiting and dehumanizing the Vietnamese women they take economic advantage of.

            If a seventeen year old white Minnesota girl was forced into prostitution and then claimed she had fallen in love in one night with a john who was a soldier from any other country—Mexico, Saudi Arabia, China, India, Nigeria, take your pick—would your average white Minnesotan believe her?  Would they look at this so-called love as romantic and tragically doomed?  Or would they label it for what it is—the sexual, psychological and economic exploitation of a minor?

            But according to Miss Saigon, when it is a white American G.I. and a seventeen year old Vietnamese girl forced into prostitution, what happens between them must be true love, must be a tragic romantic tale.

            One of the ways racism works is that it creates a moral code where the questionable actions of one race are somehow justified but where any similar action by someone of another race are seen as morally questionable and an indication of that person’s moral reprehensibility.  Miss Saigon traffics in just such a moral code.

            As it romanticizes human trafficking, Miss Saigon reinforces the stereotype of the Asian woman as prostitute.  One result of this stereotype is that Asian and Asian American women are constantly viewed as sexual objects in a way that affects directly how they are treated daily in American society.  At a recent public forum on the issues surrounding Miss Saigon, at least a dozen Asian American women spoke of the ways they have been subjected to objectification and humiliating offensive behavior by American males who see these women as no different from the prostitutes in Miss Saigon.  Just as the prostitutes in the brothel are there for the sexual delight of the G.I.’s and the titillation of the audience, so every Asian and Asian American woman in America is also there for the delight and titillation of any male who passes them by on the street or encounters them in public spaces.

            Miss Saigon is another in a long line of racist sexist depictions of Asian women, and the audiences who delight in the musical have no more qualms about this practice than the G.I.’s who hoot and holler at the crowning of a Vietnamese prostitute as Miss Saigon.  The musical offers no other substantial image of Asian women.  In Miss Saigon, the essence of the Asian woman is the prostitute.

             Miss Saigon also reinforces another racist tradition that comes out of the history of colonialism and imperialism.  In this tradition, the white male members of the occupying forces are always seen as morally superior to and more sexually attractive than any of the native colonized men.

            Chris, the white American G.I. has two women, one Vietnamese and one white American, who are love with him.  Yes, he impregnates a seventeen-year-old prostitute.  Yes, he abandons her (though in part because of circumstances beyond his control).  Yes, he loves two women and could be said to be guilty of bigamy.  But whatever his flaws, he is supposedly well-intentioned and full of love, and hey, he can’t be all that bad if both the Vietnamese Kim and the white American Ellen love him back.

            In contrast, with the two major Vietnamese male characters, neither the Eurasian Engineer nor the North Vietnamese soldier Thuy are worthy of love.  The Engineer is a venal, money hungry, soulless pimp, who clearly exploits women and takes advantage of Kim.  Alain Boublil, who wrote the libretto for Miss Saigon, claimed that the character of the Engineer pimp was “an actual Vietnamese type that many French and English journalist have encountered.” Really? What about shop keepers, soldiers, Buddhist monks and nuns, mothers, fathers, peasants, cooks, teachers, students, mechanics, dock workers, dress makers, artists, taxi drivers, rail workers, factory workers, news reporters, all the people and jobs that make any society possible?  Did Boublil’s journalists ever encounter any of these people?  Boublil’s remark says more about him and perhaps the French and English journalists he knew than it does anything about Vietnamese society.

            Thuy, the other major Vietnamese male character, is a Communist and so, in the moral landscape of Miss Saigon, is inherently evil.  Thuy also believes in arranged marriage, and so is evil (never mind that Chris visits a house of prostitution; this is merely an act he is bullied into by his fellow G.I.’s).  Thuy hates Kim’s child, because Tam is part white American, and so Thuy must be a racist.  Thuy tries to kill Tam, so he is a child murderer.  Given all this, no wonder Kim doesn’t even consider loving him.

            That all the major Vietnamese male characters are seen as thoroughly morally flawed and unattractive doesn’t trouble the creators of Miss Saigon nor many white audience members.  Such characters merely affirm racist assumptions about the Vietnamese and other Orientals: The gooks are neither as human nor as moral nor as sexually attractive as we white Americans.  The male gooks are particularly inferior, especially sexually.  The only good gooks are the women, and they are good because they are capable of loving and seeing the good of white American males and how inferior their male countrymen are when compared with the great white American male.  These gook girls are also really hot—they “love you long time”–though in the end, not quite as hot as white American women.

             Another questionable racist equation in Miss Saigon undergirds the musical’s final scene:  In order for her bi-racial son Tam to live in America, and perhaps also because Chris has married a white American woman, Kim kills herself.  The musical—and the audiences who adore it—see this a tragic act of self-sacrifice, a cause for weeping (when I saw the musical the middle-aged white woman next to me was bawling her eyes out while I was experiencing a mixture of disgust and laughter at the absurd farce sweeping across the stage).

            What is racist about the way the musical frames Kim’s act of suicide?

            First, it plays on a long held assumption in the West that those in the East do not value life in the way sane Westerners do.*  Suicide is just an Oriental thing, you know, like that Jap harry-kirry (never mind that Japanese and Vietnam possess completely different cultures and histories; in the minds of racists, all Orientals not only look alike, they think and act alike).  You can see this assumption in the opera that Miss Saigon is based on, Madama Butterfly, a work by Puccini which charts a similar plot around a British sailor and a fifteen year old Japanese girl.  After the British sailor abandons her, after years of pining after him, she commits suicide in that work’s “tragic” ending.  The creators of Miss Saigon clearly had no second thoughts about transposing the plot from a work about a Japanese girl to one about a Vietnamese girl.  Thus, a tradition of Orientalism and racism is handed down without critical thought as if the “truth” about the Orient and Orientals were merely self-evident.

            Secondly, Kim’s suicide assumes that of course life will be better for Tam in America with his white G.I. father and his white wife than in Vietnam with his Vietnamese mother.  In this reasoning, it goes without saying that life in America is superior not just economically to that in Vietnam, but in all the ways that really matter, whatever they may be.  As evidenced by Thuy, the Vietnamese will be prejudiced against Tam’s bi-racial heritage while as a bi-racial Asian American, Tam will find himself accepted and cherished by all he comes into contact with in America; there Tam will never ever experience any racism like the kind he is already subject to in Vietnam (after all, Thuy, the symbol of the typical Vietnamese male, wants to kill him).  Many white Americans actually believe this assumption.  Of course, Asian Americans who have experienced the racism of white America have a very different take on the matter.  Similarly, many Korean, Chinese and Vietnamese transracial adoptees would also question the scales which see life as an adoptee in America as far superior to what life might have been like if they had grown up in Korea, China or Vietnam.

            In Miss Saigon’s equation between a life for Tam with white American father Chris and his white wife or life with Vietnamese mother Kim, clearly it is more important and it will be more beneficial for Tam to be with his white father.  Indeed, it will be so filled with benefits that life with his white father Chris in America will still be superior even if Tam’s Vietnamese mother kills herself.  In other words, being separated from his white American father Chris would be a far more significant lack than having his Vietnamese mother die.  After all, how much could her life be worth?  She’s Vietnamese.  How important could having a live mother be?  She’s Vietnamese.  Yes, it’s a tragic loss, but isn’t it noble of Kim to recognize how superior life in America is to life in Vietnam, how America is a place without racism in comparison to the racist Vietnam, how important a white American father is in comparison to a Vietnamese mother.  It’s this recognition of white superiority that makes her a tragic heroine.  It’s this recognition that makes her so much better and more noble than the Vietnamese around her.  It’s this recognition on her part that makes white American audiences weep for her death, which, though sad, is clearly necessary.

            But why is it necessary?  As Brecht instructed, let’s reverse the dialectic: Kim’s suicide is necessary for the white American audiences so that they can weep over her death.  Clearly, it is far better that white American audiences have a good cry than that Kim continues to live and be a mother to Tam.  It’s a small cost.  She’s Vietnamese.  In the end, she’s just a gook whore.  And the fact that we white audience members actually cry for a gook whore?  Well, that just shows what large hearts we have.  How we’ve obviously transcended racism.

            A good cry and a pat on the back and an absolution from racism—what more could a white audience member ask for?

             The original production of Miss Saigon became infamous for the yellow face casting of the white British actor Jonathan Pryce as the Eurasian Engineer pimp.  That the Engineer was Eurasian was part of the justification for this casting.  The fact that no Asian or Asian American actors were allowed to try out for the part was justified by Pryce’s star status (so much for the open competition of the arts and art as a democracy of the imagination).

            In subsequent productions, the use of yellow face casting was abandoned.  But it should be noted that the creators of Miss Saigon clearly had no problems with using such casting in their original production.  And for many Asian American actors, that says a lot about how little the creators cared about, or were even aware of, the issues involved with the representation of Asians and Asian Americans on stage and in media.

            Today, any use of black faced casting—the playing of black characters by white actors—would not permitted.  If such casting did occur, the uproar from both blacks and whites would be enormous.

            And yet, as seen recently in The Last Airbender and in Cloud Atlas, it is still okay to use yellow face casting in major motion pictures.  The powers that be in the arts do not fear the reaction against this egregious practice when it comes to Asians and Asian Americans, just as the powers that be in the arts tolerate the continuation of stereotypes of Asians and Asian Americans in ways that would not dare commit to in the representation of African Americans (which is not to say that stereotypes of blacks don’t continue to appear–I’m not suggesting African Americans don’t experience stereotyping or racism, or that Asians have it worse; I am suggesting that white people fear reactions and outspokenness from the Black community, and expect compliance and submissiveness from Asians).

            The Ordway Theater would argue that articles like the one I’m writing here represent calls to censorship.  In doing so, they fail to acknowledge that an organization makes choices all the time not to produce certain works; they make these choices because the works are not deemed popular enough or of sufficient aesthetic quality or because they are simply reprehensible.  The Ordway would never put on a musical where all the black slaves were unintelligent, immoral and in love with their masters or where all the characters were Jewish bankers and businessmen who were venal, money hungry and soulless or where the British colonial soldiers are depicted as far more moral and sexually attractive than the American colonists.  The Ordway would not present a musical based on W.D. Griffith’s The Birth of a Nation or some thirties Nazi film with stereotypes of Jews.  It would brand such works as artistically inferior, as lies not art, as dated and outmoded.  It would not call its refusal to put on such works censorship.  It would say not producing such works was simply the right thing to do.

            Apparently, though, the same rules don’t apply when it comes to works depicting stereotypes of Asians.  And that, folks, is racism, plain and simple–on the part of the creators of Miss Saigon and on the part of organizations like the Ordway Theater who produce this abomination.

Further background notes on Miss Saigon and the imperialistic tradition of racist Orientalist cultural productions:

             One defense that the Ordway Theater has proffered is this: By presenting Miss Saigon, the Ordway is simply performing the function of any producer of art—to spark a conversation about serious issues.

            Let me inform the Ordway Theater: Asian Americans have been having a discussion about racism in America long before Miss Saigon.  We have been experiencing racism in America long before Miss Saigon, and we didn’t need Miss Saigon to remind us that racism, imperialism, the romanticization of human trafficking existed in works of art about Asia and Asian America.  It’s insulting that the Ordway presumes we need a work like Miss Saigon to discuss these issues—or that Asian American artists and writers have not been sparking such conversations for decades.

            What the Ordway is doing is like coming to a community which has a long history of dealing with environmental problems and then sprinkling more pollution on the community and then saying, “Hey, you should thank us.  We’re sparking a conversation about pollution.”

             In contrast to most whites, many Asian Americans are painfully aware of the continued stereotypical portrayals of Asians and Asian Americans in the media.  I grew up with figures of ridicule and buffoons—Peter the cranky houseboy in Bachelor Father, Hop Sing the cook in Bonanza, the yellow-faced Mickey Rooney as a buck-toothed Japanese photographer fruitlessly yelling at Audrey Hepburn and her practice of ringing his doorbell when she forgot her key (and yet he is clearly sexually aroused when she dangles the chance of his taking her picture).  There was the evil genius, Dr. Fu Manchu, the slimy Ming the Merciless, leering after Dale Arden in the old Flash Gordon movies.

            The Asian women who appeared films were often prostitutes, geisha, bar dancers, figures of exotic and sensual and mysterious sexuality, hyper-feminine, giggly, and subservient.  The World of Suzie Wong, The Sand Pebbles, Sayonara, Full Metal Jacket.  By the end of the film many of these women came to adore the white men—often military men—who swept into their lives and romanced them and proved far more attractive and kind and generous and three-dimensional than any of the wooden, sullen, sexist, often violent Asian men the Asian women were trying to escape.

            None of this taught me that art or America was a democracy free of racism.  When Warner Oland played Charlie Chan in yellow face, mumbling faux bits of Oriental wisdom and solving cases, while Keye Luke played his bumbling, knock-kneed, cowardly No. 1 son, even I at eight understood the hierarchy: The lead role, the hero, would always be a white guy.  The Asian guy would be his second, his assistant, would be there for comic relief.

            Is it any surprise that such stereotypes, such racial hierarchies, affected the way I saw myself?  That such casting and portrayals made me want to disassociate myself from my ethnic Japanese background and my identity as an Asian American?  That I came to identify with the white gunslinger Paladin and not the Chinese messenger with his pigtail bouncing as he run through the hotel lobby shouting, “Terragram! Terragram for Mista Parradin.”  If you’re Asian, you can’t be the hero, you can’t be the good guy.  You can be sexy, you can’t get the girl if you’re an Asian guy.  Why don’t you just admit that’s the way things are?  Why don’t you just accept your inferior, secondary status?  We’ll all get along better that way.

            You might say that the times have changed, but really they haven’t.  9 out of 10 interracial Asian-White couples in television, commercials and films will be a white man and an Asian woman.  Just like Miss Saigon.

             I’m a third generation Japanese American.  Both my parents families were imprisoned in internment camps in World War II in desolate out of the way areas of the American western interior and the South.  They were kept behind barbed wire fences under rifle towers with armed guards.  Not one of the 120,000 Japanese Americans who were interned were ever convicted of any act of espionage.  Many, like my father and mother, were teenagers, or children.  The Japanese American families struggled to keep their community together, to keep their dignity, to continue to believe in American and the rights guaranteed in the Constitution, to see themselves as Americans.  That to me would seem to be the issues and the story of the internment camps.

            But Come See the Paradise and Snow Falling On Cedars, the two major motion pictures based on the internment camps, both center their plots around a romantic relationship—a white American man and a Japanese American women.*  When the Japanese American playwright Philip Gotanda was asked by the director of Come See the Paradise to work on the film script, Philip refused because of the stereotypical romantic coupling of a white man and an Asian woman and because historically very few of my parents’ generation married interracially.*  They were forbidden by law from doing so.  But Parker kept replying that this romantic pairing was simply the story he wanted to tell.  He was merely exercising artistic freedom.

            Parker likes to talk about himself as a workng class bloke.  He’s not like the upper class directors like Sir Richard Attenborough, he says.  So Philip said to Parker, “Listen, Alan, suppose I wanted to do a film about working class England in the thirties, during the Depression.  It will be a gritty film about working class life.  And I’ll have a white English actress play your mother and a white English boy actor play you.  But for you’re father, I’m going to have a Japanese guy.  Because, well, that’s the story I want to tell.”

            Parker reacted indignantly, “That’s not what I’m doing.  That’s not what I’m doing at all.”

            I’ve generally found that those who like to use stereotypes and racist tropes always find it reprehensible when someone else suggests the same for the community or ethnic or racial group those artists belong to.  But then racism always works with a double standard.  The racist doesn’t believe that standard is racist.  To him or her, that’s just the way the world is.  It’s just the story they want to tell.

            In its defense of Miss Saigon, the Ordway Theater has used just this reasoning: It’s just the story they want to tell.  The story can’t be racist because they don’t see the racism in it.  The Asian Americans who are protesting the musical simply can’t see the world as it is, can’t see the truth of this great work of art.

            But again, that’s another way that racism works.  One group, whites, ultimately hold the power and make the decision for the way things are run.  They believe they are in a position of power not because of an unjust and unequal system but because they simply know better.  The Ordway Theater has acted in a way that is in keeping with the imperialist history which undergirds Miss Saigon: Let the great white fathers and mothers decide things.  The good natives support us.  The bad natives, who don’t see our wisdom and truth, don’t support us.  But really, they don’t count.  After all, they’re the bad natives.

             One might ask where this emphasis on the white European/American male and the Asian woman as a romantic coupling comes from?  This nearly total inability on the part of white artists to imagine the reverse of this coupling—a European/American woman and an Asian man?  One might also ask why a coupling of an Asian woman and an Asian man might not also be equally compelling?

            As many scholars and as David Henry Hwang points out in his introduction to M.  Butterfly, this stereotype of the white European/American male and the Asian woman stems from the history of imperialism.  In the ideology of imperialism, it was assumed that the Europeans—and later the Americans—had a right colonize countries in Asia.  This right stemmed from the superiority of Europeans—and later Americans—a superiority which was not just political or military, but also cultural and religious.  In keeping with the sexism of the time, Europe—and later the Americans—were viewed as the superior male to the inherently feminine, and thus inferior, female Orient.  Thus, the symbol of the Orient–and later Asian—was the woman, and in this equation the Asian male was also seen as feminine or effeminate and, by sexist and racist logic, as inferior.  This whole racist, sexist ideology became part of the political, economic, cultural and sexual lens through which Europeans—and later the Americans—came to view their dealings with the countries of Asian and their inhabitants.

            Fuel for this racist, sexist ideology came from the military occupation of the countries of Asian by European countries—and later America.  Europeans—and later Americans—were more powerful and more masculine, and this is why they were able to defeat and rule over these Asian countries and their inhabitants.  The military of the European nations—and later America—was the instrument and symbol of this masculine racial superiority.  At the same time, since European military forces—and later American forces—were stationed as occupying armies in Asia, the soldiers required prostitutes to satisfy their sexual needs.  Thus, the prime interaction between the European—and later American—forces and the local population took place in brothels and with native prostitutes.  This was the lens through which the European military forces—and later the American forces—came to view the countries they occupied and the populations within those countries.

            Given the sexist, racist, and imperialistic history of this coupling of the white European/American male—a member of the military personnel—and an Asian female—a woman forced into prostitution by economic and political circumstances—is it any wonder many Asians and Asian Americans find this stereotype objectionable?  It’s a perpetuation of a sexist, racist and imperialistic ideology whose evils we should all recognize by now.

            Except, well, it’s really romantic, isn’t it?  And hey, Asian chicks are really hot!

            Miss Saigon and The Ordway ought to be ashamed of what they’re promoting.  But they don’t see the egregious nature of what they’re doing.  They’re still trapped in a sexist, racist and imperialistic ideology.  They’re still trapped within their own sexist, racist and imperialistic history.  And they don’t want to let go.


* The racist meme of the Oriental disregard for life can be seen also in movies about the Vietnam war, such as Apocalypse Now and Deer Hunter, the latter where Russian Roulette is pictured as a Vietnamese national sport, a complete fabrication on the part of the filmmaker.

* This same plot focus is at the center of white American writer Gretel Ehrlich’s novel about the internment camps, Heart Mountain.

* Just as the Ordway refuses to hear local Asian Americans, Parker did not seem to see the problem when Asian American writer after Asian American writer refused to work with him.  I personally know four of these writers.